![]() The astonishing triumph of Donald Trump can be traced to the bitter defeat of Occupy Wall Street, a pro- democracy movement that transcended left and right, sparking unrest in hundreds of cities and rural towns in 2. Occupy’s consensus- based encampments demanded that President Obama get money out of politics. Instead, we got mercilessly smashed by his progressive administration. Now the dark irony of history is bashing back. Trump – an uber- wealthy, partially self- financed candidate who promises to “drain the swamp” – was elected president just one week before the fifth anniversary of Mayor Bloomberg’s eviction of the Zuccotti Park encampment. President- elect Trump, a charismatic strongman with an autocratic temperament, is not what millions of Occupiers were dreaming of when we took to the streets against the monied corruption of our democracy. Now, as the nation experiences a disturbing rise of hate crimes against the groups singled out by Trump during his campaign, protests descending into riots are rocking our cities. These visceral protests will undoubtedly continue into 2. Celebrated progressive Kshama Sawant, a socialist councilwoman in Seattle, has already called on people to disrupt Trump’s inauguration in January. At the same time, despite the excitement of seeing militants marching in the cities, leftist activist networks are buzzing with the painful realization that contemporary protest is broken. ![]() The dominant tactic of getting people into the streets, rallying behind a single demand and raising awareness about an injustice simply does not result in the desired social change. Nominally democratic governments tolerate protest because elected representatives no longer feel compelled to heed protest. The end of protest is not the absence of protest. The end of protest is the proliferation of ineffective protests that are more like a ritualized performance of children than a mature, revolutionary challenge to the status quo. Activists who rush into the streets tomorrow and repeat yesterday’s tired tactics will not bring an end to Trump nor will they transfer sovereign power to the people. There are only two ways to achieve sovereignty in this world. Activists can win elections or win wars. Watch full Pocahontas online full HD. Cartoon movies Pocahontas online for free in HD. In 1607, the Susan Constant sails to the New World from London, carrying English s. · · margot robbie http:// margot robbie neighbours margot robbie feet margot robbie wiki margot robbie oscars margot robby margot robbie. Rainierland Free Movies | Watch or download movies online. Find popular, top and now playing movies here. Watch movies with HD Quality. Watch or download the movies. · Full [Watch] Rick and Morty Season 3, Episode 7 Online: S03E07 Free. Looks so exciting and promising at all fans, as this brand-new installment looks promising and. 123movies Me Free Online | Watch or download movies online. Find popular, top and now playing movies here. Watch movies with HD Quality. Watch or download the movies. In Chicago, rents are getting crushed. An inconvenient math for housing is beginning to dog Chicago: The third largest city in the US has been losing population for. Here Watch Rainierland free movies, watch free movies on rainierland, online movies to watch on rainierland, Watch Tv Shows Online, watch Free movies online. ![]() Your data was likely stolen. Here’s what you can do to protect yourself even after the hack, and Equifax doesn’t want you to do it. Equifax, as a consumer credit.There is no third option. Protest can play an important role in winning elections or winning wars but protest alone is insufficient. Just think of the three years many activists spent on Black Lives Matter versus the 1. Trump to sweep into power. It is magical thinking, and a dangerously misguided strategy, for activists to continue to act as if the masses in the streets can attain a sovereignty over their governments through a collective manifestation of the people’s general will. This may have been true in the past, but is not true today. What is to be done now? American activists must move from detached indignation to revolutionary engagement. They must use the techniques that create social movements to dominate elections. The path forward is revealed in the rallying cry of the people in the streets: “Not My President!” This protest slogan is eerily similar to the one used by Spain’s 1. M Movement of indignados who set up anti- establishment general assemblies in May of 2. No Nos Representan!” (“You Don’t Represent Us!”) during their election. Their assemblies inspired the birth of Occupy. But when the refusal of the indignados to participate in the election resulted in a shocking victory for Spain’s right wing, the movement’s activists and supporters quickly internalized an important lesson that Americans must now embrace. Realizing that new forms of social protest are better equipped to win elections than disrupt elections, many of the indignados transformed themselves into Podemos, a hybrid movement- party that is now winning elections and taking power. A similar story can be told of the Pirate party in Iceland, or the 5 Star Movement in Italy or the pan- European Diem. Focus on the form, not the content, of these hybrid movement- parties: their organizing style is the future of global protest. Concretely speaking, activists must reorient all efforts around capturing sovereignty. That means looking for places where sovereignty is lightly held and rarely contested, like rural communities. Or targeting sovereign positions of power that are not typically seen as powerful, such as soil and water district boards or port commissions. Protests will remain ineffective as long as there is no movement- party capable of governing locally and nationally. This is a struggle for sovereignty. The endgame is a populist movement- party that wins elections in multiple countries in order to carry out a unified agenda worldwide. The spark for this electoral movement is bound to emerge from an unexpected place. It could start from a women- led backlash against the pack of patriarchs governing the globe: Putin in Russia, Erdoğan in Turkey, Duterte in the Philippines, Xi in China and now Trump in America. Or maybe activists will start moving into neglected rural cities – low- population areas of America – and prepare to sweep city council elections. That is the strategy I’m pursuing in Nehalem, Oregon, where I recently ran for mayor. In any case, avoid falling for the exhausting delusion of endless urban protest or the nihilistic fantasy of winning an insurrectionary war. The difficult path of merging innovative protest, social movements and electoral parties is the only viable way forward. And with only two years until the next election in America, there is no time to waste.— Micah White is the author of THE END OF PROTEST. This article originally appeared at The Guardian. Naomi Wolf - Wikipedia. Naomi R. Wolf (born November 1. American author, journalist, feminist, and former political advisor to Al Gore and Bill Clinton. Wolf first came to prominence in 1. The Beauty Myth.[6] With the book, she became a leading spokeswoman of what was later described as the third wave of the feminist movement.[7] Such leading feminists as Gloria Steinem and Betty Friedan praised the book; others, including bell hooks, Camille Paglia and Christina Hoff Sommers, criticized it. She has since written other books, including the bestselling book The End of America in 2. Vagina: A New Biography. Her journalism career began in 1. Occupy Wall Street movement, Edward Snowden and ISIS. She has written in venues such as The Nation, The New Republic, The Guardian and The Huffington Post. However, Wolf's more recent work has inspired controversy across the political spectrum. Writers in such varied venues as Salon. Alternet, Mother Jones, The Atlantic, National Review and The American Spectator have criticized many of her latest journalistic efforts as both conspiratorial and overblown. Childhood, education and personal life[edit]Wolf was born in San Francisco, to a Jewish family.[8][9] Her mother is Deborah Goleman, an anthropologist and the author of The Lesbian Community.[7] Her father is the Romanian- born gothic horror scholar and Yiddish translator Leonard Wolf. She attended Lowell High School and debated in regional speech tournaments as a member of the Lowell Forensic Society. Wolf then attended Yale University, where in 1. Bachelor of Arts in English literature. From 1. 98. 5 to 1. Rhodes Scholar at New College, Oxford.[1. In 2. 00. 4, Wolf reported an alleged incident of "sexual encroachment" by professor Harold Bloom she said she had experienced when she was a Yale undergraduate working on poetry with Bloom two decades earlier. Due to Wolf's feeling that the university had not taken her complaint seriously, she made her complaint public.[1. Wolf was married to journalist David Shipley. They have two children, Rosa (b. Joseph (b. 2. 00. Wolf and Shipley divorced in 2. The Beauty Myth[edit]In 1. Wolf gained international fame as a spokeswoman of third- wave feminism[1. The Beauty Myth, which became an international bestseller and was named "one of the seventy most influential books of the twentieth century" by The New York Times.[1. In the book, she argues that "beauty" as a normative value is entirely socially constructed, and that the patriarchy determines the content of that construction with the goal of reproducing its own hegemony. Wolf posits the idea of an "iron- maiden," an intrinsically unattainable standard that is then used to punish women physically and psychologically for their failure to achieve and conform to it. Wolf criticized the fashion and beauty industries as exploitative of women, but added that the beauty myth extended into all areas of human functioning. Wolf writes that women should have "the choice to do whatever we want with our faces and bodies without being punished by an ideology that is using attitudes, economic pressure, and even legal judgments regarding women's appearance to undermine us psychologically and politically". Wolf argues that women were under assault by the "beauty myth" in five areas: work, religion, sex, violence, and hunger. Ultimately, Wolf argues for a relaxation of normative standards of beauty.[1. In her introduction, Wolf positioned her argument against the concerns of second- wave feminists and offered the following analysis: The more legal and material hindrances women have broken through, the more strictly and heavily and cruelly images of female beauty have come to weigh upon us.. D]uring the past decade, women breached the power structure; meanwhile, eating disorders rose exponentially and cosmetic surgery became the fastest- growing specialty.. P]ornography became the main media category, ahead of legitimate films and records combined, and thirty- three thousand American women told researchers that they would rather lose ten to fifteen pounds than achieve any other goal.. More women have more money and power and scope and legal recognition than we have ever had before; but in terms of how we feel about ourselves physically, we may actually be worse off than our unliberated grandmothers.[1. Wolf's book was a bestseller, receiving polarized responses from the public and mainstream media, but winning praise from most feminists. Second- wave feminist. Germaine Greer wrote that The Beauty Myth was "the most important feminist publication since The Female Eunuch, and Gloria Steinem wrote, "The Beauty Myth is a smart, angry, insightful book, and a clarion call to freedom. Every woman should read it."[1. British novelist Fay Weldon called the book "essential reading for the New Woman".[1. Betty Friedan wrote in Allure magazine that "'The Beauty Myth' and the controversy it is eliciting could be a hopeful sign of a new surge of feminist consciousness."However, Camille Paglia, whose Sexual Personae was published the same year as The Beauty Myth, derided Wolf as unable to perform "historical analysis," and called her education "completely removed from reality."[2. Her comments touched off a series of contentious debates between Wolf and Paglia in the pages of The New Republic.[2. Likewise, Christina Hoff Sommers criticized Wolf for publishing the estimate that 1. Sommers states that she tracked down the source to the American Anorexia and Bulimia Association who stated that they were misquoted; the figure refers to sufferers, not fatalities. Wolf's citation for the incorrect figure came from a book by Brumberg, who referred to an American Anorexia and Bulimia Association newsletter and misquoted the newsletter. Wolf accepted the error and changed it in future editions. Sommers gave an estimate for the number of fatalities in 1. The New York Times published a harshly critical assessment of Wolf's work by Caryn James. She lambasted the book as a, ".. Even by the standards of pop- cultural feminist studies, The Beauty Myth is a mess."[2. In a comparatively positive review, The Washington Post called the book "persuasive" and praised its "accumulated evidence."[2. Fire with Fire[edit]In 1. Wolf published Fire with Fire on politics, female empowerment and women's sexual liberation.[2. In the U. S. The New York Times assailed the work for its "dubious oversimplifications and highly debatable assertions" and its "disconcerting penchant for inflationary prose," nonetheless noting Wolf's "efforts to articulate an accessible, pragmatic feminism, .. The Time magazine reviewer dismissed the book as "flawed," noting however that Wolf was "an engaging raconteur" who was also "savvy about the role of TV – especially the Thomas- Hill hearings and daytime talk shows – in radicalizing women, including homemakers." The reviewer characterized the book as advocating an inclusive strain of feminism that welcomed abortion opponents.[3. In the UK, feminist author Natasha Walter writing in The Independent said that the book "has its faults, but compared with The Beauty Myth it has energy and spirit, and generosity too." But she also criticized it for having a "narrow agenda" where "you will look in vain for much discussion of older women, of black women, of women with low incomes, of mothers." Characterizing Wolf as a "media star", Walter wrote: "She is particularly good, naturally, on the role of women in the media."[3. Promiscuities[edit]Promiscuities reports on and analyzes the shifting patterns of contemporary adolescent sexuality. Wolf argues that literature is rife with examples of male coming- of- age stories, covered autobiographically by D. H. Lawrence, Tobias Wolff, J. D. Salinger, and Ernest Hemingway, and covered misogynistically by Henry Miller, Philip Roth, and Norman Mailer. Wolf insists, however, that female accounts of adolescent sexuality have been systematically suppressed. She adduces cross- cultural material to demonstrate that women have, across history, been celebrated as more carnal than men. Wolf also argues that women must reclaim the legitimacy of their own sexuality by shattering the polarization of women between virgin and whore.[3. Promiscuities received, in general, negative reviews. A New York Times review characterized Wolf as a "frustratingly inept messenger: a sloppy thinker and incompetent writer. She tries in vain to pass off tired observations as radical aperçus, subjective musings as generational truths, sappy suggestions as useful ideas".[3. Two days earlier, however, a different Times reviewer praised the book, writing, "Anyone—particularly anyone who, like Ms. Wolf, was born in the 1. Promiscuities. Told through a series of confessions, her book is a searing and thoroughly fascinating exploration of the complex wildlife of female sexuality and desire."[3. In contrast, The Library Journal excoriated the work, writing, "Overgeneralization abounds as she attempts to apply the microcosmic events of this mostly white, middle- class, liberal milieu to a whole generation.. There is a desperate defensiveness in the tone of this book which diminishes the force of her argument."[3. Misconceptions[edit]Misconceptions examines modern assumptions surrounding pregnancy and childbirth. Most of the book is told through the prism of Wolf's personal experience of her first pregnancy. She describes the "vacuous impassivity" of the ultrasound technician who gives her the first glimpse of her new baby. Wolf both laments her C- section and examines why the procedure is commonplace in the United States, and advocates a return to more personal approaches to childbirth such as midwifery. The second half of the book catalogs a series of anecdotes about life after giving birth, focusing in particular on inequalities that arise in men and women's approaches and adjustments to child care.[3.
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